In politics, sometimes nothing succeeds like deceit.
Thus, Prime Minister Stephen Harper is again warning Canadians that if voters don’t give him a majority government on May 2, they can expect an undemocratic conclusion to his administration. That is, an unholy trinity of “socialists and separatists” will oust him from office.
It’s not surprising that Harper should peddle this malarkey again, for it worked like a charm last time, in December 2008, allowing him to secure an unnecessary prorogation of Parliament and buy him (and his propagandists) time to demonize the opposition parties as spoilers and traitors.
This claptrap was so successful that the opposition was pushed back onto the defensive, and Harper got into the habit of phoning in his prorogation requests.
That was actually an insult to the body politic, but the Harper Republicans could rest easy in the assumption that most of us wouldn’t bother to examine the big lie that the prime minister is somehow appointed by God – or is directly elected or superior to Parliament.
No, the prime minister is only the person who commands the loyalty of the greatest number of Parliamentarians – not necessarily (or not only) members of his or her party. The prime minister doesn’t even have to have a seat in the House of Commons.
When John Turner became the leader of the then governing Liberal party in July 1984, he became prime minister even though he wasn’t elected to the House until two months later.
Similarly, but in reverse, Jean Chretien lost his prime ministership when he lost the loyalty of the greatest number of parliamentarians: his own caucus. They forced him to resign and installed Paul Martin in his place.
Harper is only prime minister because the majority of Parliamentarians granted him their support – until he was found in contempt of Parliament, that is.
So if, on May 3, the morning after the election, it appears that the Liberals, the New Democrats and the Bloc Quebecois (and maybe even a Green party member or two) once again, together, hold more seats than do the Republican-Tories, this new assembly of Parliamentarians has every right to defeat Harper and his program of Tim Hortons for photo ops and tasers for his foes, and to propose a different government, a different prime minister and a different program.
Indeed, the great – and maybe only – genius of parliamentary democracy is that multiple alternative governments are always available to be summoned into action by the governor general (federally) or the lieutenant governor (provincially).
Ontarians have had some experience with this boon of being able to change a government without having to call an election (or shoot anyone).
In June 1985, Premier Frank Miller, having just won more seats in the provincial election than the Liberals or the New Democratic Party, but not more seats than the two parties combined, attempted to govern.
However, the other parties passed a no-confidence motion and Miller was defeated.
No new election was ordered. Instead, Lieutenant Governor John Black Aird called upon Liberal party leader David Peterson to form a government, and he did so, with New Democratic Party support.
Miller resigned, thus ending 42 years of Progressive Conservative government in Ontario.
Harper’s fear-mongering, then, about his potentially facing the same fate as Miller has to be seen for what it is: sheer contempt – for Parliament, for our democratic traditions and for the Canadian people.
But contempt is the hallmark of his premiership, from the G20 lockdown of Toronto last year to the ladling out of corporate tax cuts (that likely bring handsome kickbacks to Conservative coffers) that imperil public finances.
If voters, in their wisdom, refuse Harper a majority again, perhaps the opposition parties will finally unite around a progressive platform and try their hand at governance. Prime Minister Layton, anyone?
George Elliott Clarke’s newest book of poetry is Red (Gaspereau Press, $19.95).
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